Zohran’s #ZcavengerHunt was a Rehearsal

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by the Money on the Left Editorial Collective

What yesterday’s New York City #ZcavengerHunt made visible is a coalition rehearsing public works before even winning the general election. It was not just people spending time together. With simple, posted invitations carried on cards, the campaign coordinated routes, rooms, roles, and care so that participation became possible and clear. That is a public task, not an extracurricular one. It was also a rehearsal for what a mobilized coalition needs to do next: move together for joy as well as safety, travel in groups while an administration tries to turn the city into a spectacle, and build turnout habits without waiting for a single big event. It is a model other cities can watch and adapt.

The right frame is not volunteerism, but insurgent fiscal policy. When Mamdani convened a citywide scavenger hunt for fun, he did not need Governor Kathy Hochul or Bill Ackman’s tax dollars; it ran on endogenous credit—playful and quietly powerful. The cards created circuits of doing things together (meet here, staff this corner, escort this path, prep the kitchen window, check in); responsibilities were posted and settled. Grown-ups effectively parallel played: individual and group progress stayed private, while social media and campaign reports posted the size and pace of the crowd. The result was a massive public coordination of democratic life—not an authoritarian mass, but a coalition limbered up and ready for the next project. For a concrete build path, see our proposal for how Zetro Cards could be scaled up for fiscal insurgency, from campaign swag to coalition-building to public works, which shows how this same pattern can move people through rooms, routes, trainings, and care on wider scales.

Just as Mamdani mobilized the human and cultural capacities of a city that hide in plain sight every day, he also mobilized gamification techniques the left usually consigns to neoliberal behaviorism. Stamps, punch cards, routes, and check-ins were not used to manipulate individuals; they were used to coordinate a public—rules posted, goals shared, privacy respected, and the “prize” defined as more capacity to act together. As many pointed out on social media, he figured out how to make “Pokémon Go to the Pollsactually work. It worked not as clicks or gimmicks, but rather as mapped routes, opened rooms, staffed corners, and kitchen windows that made movement legible and safe. In that register, play is not a nudge; play is public works. It turns dispersed willingness into organized time and space with tools people already understand.

Much will be written about the brilliance of Mamdani as a campaigner, and the charisma that eager establishment Democrats hope to replicate with a Pete Buttigieg or a Gavin Newsom. But the Mamdani coalition did not just rally behind a leader—it rehearsed the enfranchisement of one. Think of Mamdani’s charisma here as a kind of coalitional line of credit extended with conditions: people offer a line of trust and attention to a would-be convener, linked to responsibilities and democratic accountability. “Dark Brandon” hinted at this nationally—a charisma on offer if the officeholder accepted a movement mantle (he did not). In New York, Mamdani is being chosen as a convener; the scavenger hunt and the Zetro credit circuit are tests of credit issuance, not “branding” in some narrow sense. He credits the public with usable roles, routes, and rooms; the public credits him with the authority to keep issuing. It is an analogical, public accreditation—the two forms of crediting are not the same, but they are related and each is predicated on the other. If either side stops honoring the posted terms, the fiscal circuit weakens and the star power fades. In other words, leadership here is not intrinsic to the leader; it is a coordination with a very practiced and well-rehearsed public.

Seen this way, the coalition is the main character. It has repeatedly offered charisma on condition of genuine progressive politics. Biden and Harris were given that credit line and then lost their piece of the franchise by declining the democratic responsibilities that would have kept it open. Mamdani has retained his credit by meeting those responsibilities and using them to transform the municipal public sphere into a place of hope and rehearsals of full employment. The deeper story, however, is the coalition that dreamed him up—and keeps provisioning public life whether or not a single figure is in the spotlight.
The wide open question for the Mamdani coalition is: what else this coalition event was rehearsing? We at Money on the Left are a bit biased: we want to see an insurgent fiscal politics defend cities and states from Trump’s authoritarianism, and we see opportunities for this everywhere. But the most important thing for democratic renewal after Trump—the step that comes before everything—is that members of a political coalition see themselves as participants in democratic design, not the neoliberal end-users of a technocratic solution or deals brokered with power on our behalf.

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James Dobson Is Dead, Was A Monster

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James Dobson was a nasty dude. He liked to beat children and dogs with a belt and to rain misery and punishment on the vulnerable; we know all of this about him because he said as much in public, repeatedly, over a long and rancid public life. He enlisted a whole bunch of Ideology—patriarchy, social conservatism, utterly fake upside-down Christianity—in service of those basic motivations, not only to justify his own appetite for and personal acts of sadism and domination, but to cast punishment and predation as far out into the world as he could manage. He studied psychology and the Bible so that he could borrow their authority and instrumentalize them to do widespread cruelty more effectively. He was oriented to evil, at vast scale, by continual lifelong choice. It was his calling, and he made it his job.

What a guy like James Dobson does, and what James Dobson did for his whole adult life, is offer people—white men primarily, but not exclusively—a rhetorical framework for doing evil and feeling good about it. Stand right here and look exactly there, he said, and psychology says it's OK for you to beat your children, that when they cry for more than two minutes of the beating, it is because they are bad and not because you are hurting them; you should beat them harder for crying until they stop. Stand right here and look exactly there, and tradition says your wife should have no will of her own. Stand right here and look exactly there, and love of country says society should press its boot onto the poor and marginalized and crush them until they die. Didn't you always hate them? Sure you did. Religion says right here that you are right to. He blew softly on a stupid and seething population's resentments, its will to power, its lust to punish those who complicate their desires by having lives of their own, and watched those appetites stick up like the hairs on your arm, or glow like charcoal in a fire. It feels good. He tempts you with the promise that every cruel, fearful, punitive impulse you have aligns with The Way Things Are Supposed To Be, and that it is even your grim duty is to indulge them. In this respect, James Dobson was very much like Satan.



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rocketo
51 days ago
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rest in piss, jackass
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betajames
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Refusing to Choose Is a Choice

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I recently found this quote on social media and quite liked the sentiment:

You can say “all are welcome,” but if wolves and sheep are both welcome then you’re only going to get wolves. The smart sheep will go somewhere else and the naive sheep will be eaten and processed. If you welcome Islamophobes and Muslims then you’ll get Islamophobes. If you welcome Klan members and people of color then you’ll get Klan members. If you welcome nativists and immigrants you’ll get nativists.

Refusing to choose is a choice. It’s a choice in favor of the people who prey on others and who refuse to acknowledge the humanity of those they hate.

The quote didn’t have a source but was attributed to someone named Adam Bates. With the sorry state of Google and glut of people sharing it out of context, it took me a little while to track down the original quote on Facebook; it’s part of a longer post denouncing anti-LGBTQ+ & anti-immigrant sentiments within the libertarian movement.

See also Karl Popper’s paradox of tolerance:

If we extend unlimited tolerance even to those who are intolerant, if we are not prepared to defend a tolerant society against the onslaught of the intolerant, then the tolerant will be destroyed, and tolerance with them.

Rebecca Solnit: On Not Meeting Nazis Halfway:

Nevertheless, we get this hopelessly naive version of centrism, of the idea that if we’re nicer to the other side there will be no other side, just one big happy family. This inanity is also applied to the questions of belief and fact and principle, with some muddled cocktail of moral relativism and therapists’ “everyone’s feelings are valid” applied to everything. But the truth is not some compromise halfway between the truth and the lie, the fact and the delusion, the scientists and the propagandists. And the ethical is not halfway between white supremacists and human rights activists, rapists and feminists, synagogue massacrists and Jews, xenophobes and immigrants, delusional transphobes and trans people. Who the hell wants unity with Nazis until and unless they stop being Nazis?

And how not to become a Nazi bar:

I was at a shitty crustpunk bar once getting an after-work beer. One of those shitholes where the bartenders clearly hate you. So the bartender and I were ignoring one another when someone sits next to me and he immediately says, “no. get out.”

And the dude next to me says, “hey i’m not doing anything, i’m a paying customer.” and the bartender reaches under the counter for a bat or something and says, “out. now.” and the dude leaves, kind of yelling. And he was dressed in a punk uniform, I noticed

Anyway, I asked what that was about and the bartender was like, “you didn’t see his vest but it was all nazi shit. Iron crosses and stuff. You get to recognize them.”

And i was like, ohok and he continues.

“you have to nip it in the bud immediately. These guys come in and it’s always a nice, polite one. And you serve them because you don’t want to cause a scene. And then they become a regular and after awhile they bring a friend. And that dude is cool too.

And then THEY bring friends and the friends bring friends and they stop being cool and then you realize, oh shit, this is a Nazi bar now. And it’s too late because they’re entrenched and if you try to kick them out, they cause a PROBLEM. So you have to shut them down.

(via @tressiemcphd)

Tags: Adam Bates · politics

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can’t stop thinking about this post on the crusader kings wiki

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nonbinary-bosmer:

mynameisfungus:

can’t stop thinking about this post on the crusader kings wiki

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sarahconnorjr:

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Op-ed: Public Grocery Stores Already Exist and Work Well. We Need More.

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New York Assemblymember Zohran Mamdani’s proposal to open five city-run grocery stores has grocery industry executives—and other political foes—clutching their pearls. Critics call it a socialist fantasy. But publicly owned grocery stores already exist, serving over a million Americans every day, with prices 25 to 30 percent lower than conventional retail. We need more public grocery stores, not fewer.

The affordability crisis is crushing American families. Grocery prices have spiked 32 percent since 2019, with even sharper increases in meat, frozen foods, and snacks—categories that make up over 50 percent of Americans’ calories and are dominated by a handful of conglomerates. Market concentration has enabled food giants to raise prices, while actual consumption has flatlined since 2019.

The numbers are starker in New York, where 85 percent of New Yorkers are paying more for groceries than they did last year and 91 percent are concerned about inflation’s impact on their food bills.

Supermarket closures are another major issue. While several grocery chains have expanded, these openings are unevenly distributed, often bypassing the very neighborhoods that have lost supermarkets. In many working-class areas, closures have left residents relying on discount chains and liquor outlets instead. The lack of grocery stores isn’t something that can be fixed by the Robinson-Patman Act, enacted during the New Deal to prevent price discrimination by large retail buyers at the expense of smaller competitors. New York already has one of the least concentrated grocery markets in the country, and trust-busting won’t make new grocery stores open in low-income neighborhoods.

In New York, as nationally, the crisis of affordability is real and food apartheid is, too. Food consumption is deeply divided by race, class, and geography. This is a structural problem, and there’s a long history of ideas for structural solutions.

Some of the best visions for the future come from outside the United States. Bulgaria announced plans to roll out 1,500 rural grocery stores, buying local produce and reselling at cost to support both farmers and underserved rural consumers. From South Korea to the European Union, governments are strengthening public and local supply chains.

But we can look even closer to home to find a public grocery success story: the U.S. military.

The Pentagon’s Grocery

Every branch of the military operates its own grocery system, a network known as the Defense Commissary Agency (DeCA). With 236 stores worldwide, DeCA is a retail behemoth, generating over $4.6 billion in annual revenue. If it were a private corporation, it would rank among the top 50 chains in the nation. In 2023 alone, U.S. military families, veterans, and other eligible shoppers saved an estimated $1.6 billion on their grocery bills.

“We can look close to home to find a public grocery success story: the U.S. military. If it were a private corporation, it would rank among the top 50 chains in the nation.”

The model is simple and effective. Commissaries are not profit centers; they are cost centers. By law, they operate on a cost-plus model, selling goods at what they pay for them, plus a 5 percent surcharge that covers the cost of store construction and modernization. DeCA leverages the immense, centralized buying power of the entire Department of Defense to negotiate rock-bottom prices from suppliers.

Furthermore, commissary workers are federal employees, often unionized, with stable pay and benefits. This removes labor costs from the individual stores’ balance sheets and ensures that the mission of providing affordable food isn’t compromised by the downward pressure on wages that defines the private retail industry. The result is a system that delivers low prices and high-quality service and is immensely popular with service members, demonstrating that a government-run, nonprofit grocery model can thrive at scale.

Scale for Victory

Skeptics will say it won’t work outside the military, pointing to small attempts like one in Baldwin, Florida, where a municipal grocery closed last year, or Chicago’s stalled plans, or other failed public-private partnerships. The scorn these failures attract is both wrong and right.

Wrong because the status quo is demonstrably bad. Where are these critics when Aldi or Lidl gain market share with cookie-cutter, vertically integrated discount models that displace diverse, unionized operators, or when dollar stores swamp neighborhoods with misleading prices and low-quality, ultra-processed foods?

Public grocery stores add to food security, offering something that food banks can’t: dignity, choice, and control over food supply chains. They can anchor broader food justice efforts, creating demand for values-based purchasing that prioritizes worker dignity, environmental sustainability, and racial equity. (Mamdani’s commitment to minimum wage increases and safety nets are of a piece with public grocery policy.)

Critics are right, however, to note that grocery is a business of scale. Public groceries can succeed, but only with the scale and operational sophistication of proven models. Half-measures will inevitably fail.

Existing—and Successful—Models

There are clear models for operating a public grocery store: Combine the military commissary’s cost-plus pricing (and free delivery) with Costco’s warehouse efficiency and Aldi’s limited assortment strategy.

Stock no more than 1,500 carefully selected products instead of 30,000. Buy in massive volumes. Employ union workers as municipal employees, removing labor costs from individual store budgets.

And make it joyful and dignified to work and shop there.

“Public grocery stores add to food security, offering something that food banks can’t: dignity, choice, and control over food supply chains.”

There are already foundations on which to build. New York City’s Good Food Purchasing Program, for example, requires school food vendors to meet standards for nutrition, environmental impact, and fair labor. Such values-based procurement was inspired by private sector supply chain standards, which brought premium quality products to consumers. The Good Food Purchasing Program shows we can do this without the steep prices.

Why stop at lunch trays? Public grocery stores could bring high standards full circle, creating demand for ethical producers who are locked out of centralized supermarket, dollar store, or discounter supply chains, while offering best-in-market prices to consumers.

Public grocery stores could be the first step to scaling up and anchoring vertically integrated public food systems. Municipal processing and manufacturing could aggregate demand for local, sustainably grown products as the basis for shelf-stable goods—soups, frozen meals, snacks—normally dominated by a handful of conglomerates. This would lower the risk for values-based farmers while making good food the most affordable option, not the most expensive.

Starting up such an operation won’t be cheap, but doing it successfully will save New Yorkers hundreds of millions of dollars off their grocery bills every year. Our calculations, exclusive to Civil Eats and unpublished elsewhere, show that operating five full-service stores across all New York’s boroughs would require at least $20 million per year each, assuming good union labor rates and free rent.

Those costs can drop a little if a Costco-like warehouse model is adopted; however, the expense of running 20 such stores (and keeping them medium size) is north of $400 million per year.

That’s a small investment in addressing hunger in a city as big as New York, which already purchases more than $300 million worth of food for vital city programs. Other public services that New Yorkers benefit from require even higher funding.

For example, the New York City police department budget is over $10 billion a year. Our public grocery estimate is less than 4 percent of that. The fire department budget is over $2.6 billion and the department of sanitation’s is $2 billion. The city’s budget adds up to more than $112 billion a year. So, while $400 million is a substantial sum, it would be a rounding error, 0.36 percent of the annual budget.

“There are clear models for operating a public grocery store: Combine the military commissary’s cost-plus pricing (and free delivery) with Costco’s warehouse efficiency and Aldi’s limited assortment strategy.”

Much of this budget would cover the overhead expenses and profit margins that customers typically pay for in the form of high retail prices, but New Yorkers will keep this money in their pockets. The budget also leaves plenty of room for growth if the concept is embraced by New Yorkers. There’s reason to think that stores with low prices and high ethics would work in the Big Apple. And if they can make it there, they can make it anywhere.

Food inflation is rife and set to get worse. As Trump’s tariffs, immigration crackdowns, federal nutrition program and local food supply chain cuts, defunding of food banks, and SNAP cuts worsen food apartheid, public groceries offer a proven, pragmatic policy solution.

The idea is certainly being taken seriously by grocery sector labor unions. Faye Guenther, president of United Food and Commercial Workers 3000, argues that giant companies like Krogers and Albertsons are closing stores and “transforming themselves into companies that are more focused on collecting and selling customer data than they are on selling food.”

In the face of this, she told us by email, “We need a public option in the supermarket industry—stores that are focused on providing healthy food in our communities while providing jobs with good wages and benefits. The public sector already has large, efficient food supply chains through municipal education departments and through the U.S. military commissary system, so we don’t need to reinvent the wheel. Publicly owned supermarkets should find the right way to piggyback on those systems.”

Beyond a Broken Model

The grocery industry will claim that public groceries hurt small businesses, ignoring the fact that the greatest threat to those businesses is the unchecked proliferation of chains like Dollar General and the predatory pricing power of giants like Walmart and Aldi. They will call it an inefficient government boondoggle, hoping no one notices the efficiency of the military commissary system.

The truth is that the ground has already shifted. Two-thirds of New York City voters now support the creation of public grocery stores, because anything that helps meet the crisis of affordability is going to be welcome.

They’re not alone. Thirteen states have begun to explore public grocery stores. Communities across the nation are tired of corporate price gouging, empty shelves, and a food system designed to extract maximum wealth rather than nourish them.

The solution lies in thinking upstream, in building public alternatives that operationalize the Right to Food, a concept supported by over 80 percent of Americans, adopted by Maine in 2021, and being explored by a range of other states, too.

The blueprint is clear. With the commissary as a template, take a page from Costco: pile the produce high, staff the floor with union labor, stock the shelves with good food, offer home delivery, and make it as beautiful as the New York Public Library, because the working class deserve nothing but the best.

If the private market cannot or will not deliver affordable, nutritious food to all its citizens—and it has proven that it won’t—then the public sector must.

The post Op-ed: Public Grocery Stores Already Exist and Work Well. We Need More. appeared first on Civil Eats.

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